Assisted Dying: McArthur and Falconer Bills “safeguards with teeth” are conspicuous by their absence

By Professor Allan House

In March this year Keir Starmer told the press that he thought most people would support assisted dying legislation that had what he called “safeguards with teeth to protect the vulnerable.” In a similar vein Wes Streeting, in The Telegraph in September, endorsed the importance of “having the right protections and safeguards” in place.  In other words, both will ask of any legislation – will it be safe for those who should not be assisted to end their lives but instead offered help to overcome their problems? This question arises because legislation applies to everybody, not just those campaigning for it.

There are two areas where we should look for such safeguards – in the conduct of the individual contact between a health professional and somebody who wants to die, and in organisational oversight of any system put in place to manage such contacts.

First though we need to start with a challenge to the over-simplified dichotomy often applied to thinking about safeguards and vulnerability in this situation. When suicide is viewed as a personal choice it is assumed that there are only two scenarios – a mentally competent, fully informed individual acting on their own volition, or somebody lacking mental capacity or severely mentally ill or coerced in some way. What isn’t accounted for is the situation where the individual’s range of options is constrained – because they are socially constrained by for example lack of emotional or social support or by practical considerations like financial circumstances, or personally constrained by for example a personal sense of lack of agency that may have arisen from life experiences. It also doesn’t account for ambivalence, often hidden because it is buried under a (surface) over-certainty.

In thinking about who is vulnerable in the present context, we need to start by recognizing that what is being proposed in the name of assisted dying is physician-assisted suicide. What we know from the data on unassisted suicide in the presence of physical illness can therefore give pointers. Unassisted suicide is associated with feeling of hopelessness or worthlessness; is more common in those living alone and often lacking emotional and social support; in those with a history of depression (40-50%), self-harm (60+%) and problems with alcohol (40-50%).

Charlie Falconer, Baron Falconer of Thoroton - WikipediaImagine a situation where a 45 year old woman diagnosed with multiple sclerosis 10 years ago goes to see a doctor. She has had two relapses since diagnosis. She lives independently and uses a wheelchair for trips outside the house. She has decided that she wants to end her life and she asks for the doctor’s help to do that.

What would we normally expect to be the response of a doctor faced with somebody like this with suicidal thoughts? That is, what would safeguards in the initial contact look like? Good medical care would entail a detailed and probably repeated contact with the woman to discuss the reasons for her thinking, to explore her personal circumstances and previous history of physical or mental health problems, and to meet with close others such as a partner or next of kin.

It is likely that the woman’s general practitioner would know about her personal and health background and they should be contacted. Under normal circumstances a contact like this would lead to referral to a psychiatrist especially if the doctor immediately consulted did not have expertise in responding to suicidal thoughts and plans in somebody with severe physical illness.

In fact none of this is required in MacArthur’s or Falconer’s Bill. There is no mandated requirement to explore anything about the woman’s background beyond confirming that she does indeed have multiple sclerosis as she describes and there is no requirement to consult her general practitioner (although they must inform them in the case of McArthur’s Bill that the person wishes to die by assisted suicide) or a neurologist who might be managing her case or to speak to a next of kin or close other. The first any member of family may know is when they are informed of the woman’s death. The doctor involved is required to involve a second doctor who need undertake no more extensive assessments than the first. The two may consult a psychiatrist if they are uncertain about the woman’s mental capacity to make the decision she has, but they are under no obligation to accept the psychiatrist’s opinion. Neither doctor is required to make detailed notes of their contact with the woman as you would expect from any other medical involvement in a life-threatening situation.”

The necessary expertise of the two doctors involved is unspecified in the Bills and there is no mandated requirement for supervision.  The steps they can take to assist the woman’s suicide are similarly unclear. For example, the nature of the assistance they can provide in administration of a fatal drug dose is not specified. A doctor or delegated other health professional must stay with the woman until she dies but there is no note of what further intervention they can make if death is attended by unacceptable complications or long delay after administration of the potentially fatal medication.

All you need to know about integrity in the drafting of Liam McArthur’s assisted dying Bill

 

 

 

 

In relation to organisational oversight of a programme of physician-assisted suicide the details are similarly sparse. Imagine what you might expect from oversight of some other health system of such life and death importance – for example a paediatric cardiac surgery unit or an intensive care unit. In both Bills there is a requirement to produce an annual report but it is not suggested that it will contain any information about problems such as rates of adverse events or prolonged time until death. There is no mechanism for obtaining formal feedback from surviving family or close others and there is no formal complaints procedure. The annual report will do little more than provide basic details about the numbers of people whose suicide has been facilitated, with almost nothing said about their personal or social circumstances or health problems aside from the one listed as “terminal”. In Scotland there is even a requirement to issue a false death certificate giving the immediate cause of death not as the fatal drug administration but as the underlying disease that served as the rationale for assisting suicide.

Many campaigners for assisted suicide cite the Oregon Death with Dignity Act as a model. The claim is that Oregon’s legislation works effectively and safely and is one to use as a template. There is no central management of the Oregon system and any licenced physician whether a Doctor of Medicine or a Doctor of Osteopathic Medicine can participate. Last year only 1% of licenced doctors in the state in fact did so – one doctor alone signed 76 prescriptions, 14% of all those filled in the state that year. The truth is that nobody knows how well the Oregon system works because the data are not available. For example in 2023 in a quarter of all cases where a lethal prescription was issued the annual report noted that it was not known whether the prescribed medication had been taken – even in those cases where the recipient of the prescription was known to have died. Untoward incidents are not fully recorded because in 3/4 of cases no physician is present at the time of death. In the minority where information is provided, side effects of the medication are common and delayed time to death after ingestion is not rare – it can take up to five days. In about one in 10 cases death results from use of a prescription issued outside the year in which the individual died and it is now acknowledged in Oregon that despite what the law says assisted suicide is available to people whose death is not imminent and can include people with conditions such as diabetes.

Most people picture slippery slopes going downwards…

Oregon isn’t unusual – no legislation in countries where assisted suicide or euthanasia is legal contains adequate safeguards. That isn’t chance: there are reasons to think that no amount of scrutiny at committee stage or amendment to the Bills’ provisions can make them safe.  There is an unresolvable dilemma at the core of legislation on physician-assisted suicide: it requires the participation of doctors to prescribe fatal medication and oversee the resulting death, which is not compatible with best medical practice and the need to exercise a duty of care and work to prevent suicide. So the doctors are taking medical actions with somebody for whom they are not clinically responsible. One course of action is incompatible with the other. And organisational oversight becomes meaningless when the legislation is not about ensuring best care for as many people as possible, but simply about ensuring that one group of people get what they ask for. If, as campaigners often claim, assisted suicide is a human right, then there can be no grounds for restricting access to it.

McArthur’s and Falconer’s Bills are far from containing the sort of safeguards we would expect to see in any other area of care for those with serious physical illness or those who are suicidal. They are a danger to vulnerable people and should not be allowed to pass into law.

  • Professor Allan House is an emeritus professor of liaison psychiatry and a supporter of Better Way.

Meanwhile, McArthur responds to public letter by chief medical officers

Responding to the public letter signed by the chief medical officers for the four UK nations and published by the Department of Health and Social Care, as Kim Leadbeater’s Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill was introduced in the House of Commons, Scottish Liberal Democrat MSP Liam McArthur said:  “I agree with them that the provision of good end-of-life care must not be undermined at any stage, and that healthcare staff should be able to decide whether to take part in providing assisted dying.

“That’s why my bill puts in place safeguards to ensure that no one is compelled to take part in the assisted dying process against their will.

“I am also clear that assisted dying should not be seen as an alternative to excellent palliative care. It is about providing a choice for those for whom palliative care is no longer enough.

“The recent report from the House of Commons’ Health and Social committee noted that in the evidence they received they “did not see any indications of palliative and end-of-life care deteriorating in quality or provision following the introduction of [assisted dying]; indeed the introduction of [assisted dying] has been linked with an improvement in palliative care in several jurisdictions.”

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