Brian Wilson’s Column
A fine old metaphor about “more front than a Glasgow tenement” increasingly applies to Scotland’s relationship with the pandemic.
The façade is confident and largely unscathed while what lies behind is grim. More than 3500 lives have been lost, half of them in the appalling cull through care homes.
Recrimination is pointless unless it serves the immediate purpose of teaching lessons which can be applied with urgency, competence and humility. That is where we seem to fall down lamentably.
The folly of discharging elderly patients from hospitals into care homes was apparent months ago. This was pointed out from all sorts of sources – including this one – but the practice continued.

We now know figures provided to MSPs were grossly understated and the Health Secretary, Jeane Freeman, has apologised. I suppose that is progress of a sort but what price was paid over the lost weeks when the issue was in such obvious need of addressing?
The Nike outbreak in Edinburgh remains fundamental to any analysis of how the Scottish Government has handled this crisis. And let me digress for a moment to answer the demand: “Why not criticise the UK government instead?”
This is not a competition. The UK Government has no shortage of questions to answer but the NHS and social care are devolved. Decisions taken in Scotland determine Scottish outcomes and the decision not to reveal the Nike outbreak was the Scottish Government’s alone.
“Cover-up” is headline shorthand. My preferred phrase is “monumental error of judgement which had far-reaching implications”. If that had been acknowledged early, even internally, lessons might have been applied.
The defence of patient confidentiality has collapsed. Scottish legislation recognises that public interest prevails in such circumstances. EU data protection law is even more specific where “the control and monitoring of epidemics” is at stake.
Beyond that, we now know that unannounced attempts at contact tracing were a fiasco with some of the most obvious candidates left unaware. As admitted by Ms Freeman, such tracing as did take place relied on information provided by visiting delegates.
If the outbreak had been revealed, public perceptions of the threat would have been transformed and a far wider range of contacts identified. It is absurd to pretend, as Ms Sturgeon continues to do, that “all appropriate steps were taken to trace contacts”.
That is in the past but, again, what lessons were learned? Ten weeks later, not a single contract tracer had been recruited so that “test, track and trace” which is finally supposed to resume on June 1st is riddled with uncertainties. Why was this not advanced long before now at local levels?
On April 3rd, the First Minister set a target of 10,000 daily tests by the end of that month and proclaimed: “Proportionately, our target is a bit more ambitious than the UK as a whole”. Was that important compared to the fact that the target is still nowhere near being met?
Every health jurisdiction in the world which has successfully addressed the pandemic acted early on principles of test, track and trace. Three months in, it is not “insulting” to anyone’s “integrity” – Ms Sturgeon’s favoured deflection for this week – to ask whether any of these building blocks are even now secured in Scotland?

The First Minister has a tough job and her sensitivities deserve respect but the milk of human kindness should flow in both directions. She might have considered that sentiment before turning her fire on Sarah Smith of the BBC.
No reasonable person believes Ms Smith accused her of “enjoying” the pandemic or its awful consequences. However, the SNP’s media supremo, one Erik Geddes, tweeted “shameful”, allowing Scotland’s First Minister to retweet and add her denial of an allegation that had not been made, thereby unleashing the cyberspace storm-troopers against Ms Smith.
It was a ruthless operation in a time of pandemic. If Ms Smith made an error of judgement it was a minor one which certainly did not cost a single human life. There are plenty more important matters to dub “shameful” in this sorry saga.
WITH A 1000 JOBS GONE, WHAT DOES SSE GIVE SCOTLAND?
Scottish and Southern Energy’s disposal of its retail customers to an outfit called Ovo has produced predictable results.
“Integration” means 2600 jobs lost, 1000 of them in Scotland. SSE call centres in Glasgow and Selkirk will close.
Most customers are in England but a loyal base was in the Highlands where SSE traded on the reputation of the old Hydro Board and the people who work for it.
That was the least of SSE’s considerations when retailing was no longer profitable enough. Instead, it would concentrate on offshore wind farms. And how has it repaid Scotland in that respect?
Once again, it seems SSE will send abroad major contracts for the Seagreen project off the Angus coast with a few crumbs for Fife. Former workers at the Arnish yard in Lewis fear it will get nothing.
It is time Scotland’s politicians took the gloves off and reminded SSE that the position of power they hold is not untouchable.
At the time of electricity privatisation, both Scottish companies retained vertical integration – generation, distribution and retail – because of the esteem they enjoyed among Scottish consumers.
With the emergence of renewable energy, this meant that one tentacle or another of SSE is involved in determining the fate of every project in the north of Scotland. That is an accident of history and has long been unhealthy.
Having got rid of retail, SSE are no longer vertically integrated. They have sold off a thousand Scottish jobs via Ovo and done nothing to build Scottish manufacturing capacity in renewables.
It is time the pieces of that jigsaw were put together and the overall picture considered on its current merits – not the image of 30 years ago.
Very accurate comments about the SSE Mr Wilson. As energy minister in the last Labour Government and as a director in an energy company after you left office you will know a thing or two about power.
Electricity, like gas, were indeed vertically integrated to deliver deliver generation, distribution and retail. Power from the glens for the glens was a slogan used during the hydro scheme developments and it encapsulated the benefit of state owned enterprise. And of course the North Sea provided huge amounts of oil and gas. Indeed there was once a state owned extraction company called BritOil with a huge office in Glasgow.
But it was all sold off by Mrs Thatcher’s Government. Fragmented utterly our utilities are now owned by a multiplicity of investment companies with pyramid ownership companies registered in tax havens around the world.
Just like the care home industry in fact where the care home business HC One with its chain of parent ownerships and cross jurisdictional trading is similarly pyramidically owned in the offshore tax havens of Jersey and then the Cayman Islands. Quite what around 25% of the care homes in the UK including Castle View in Dumbarton and Home View in Portree have got to do with places like Jersey and the Cayman Islands you have to ask. But I think we can all guess!
But that is where we are. Gas, electricity, water in England, railways, buses, and indeed all the essential utilities sold off, And sold off by an English parliament under a government that Scotland did not vote for.
But subsequent governments did not change tack. PFI was only a glint in Mrs Thatcher’s eye until Tony Blair and Gordon Brown through governmental policy let PFI rip. And rip it does still, because for much needed infrastructure projects in Scotland it’s either PFI or not at all.
But privatisation is bigger than that again. The hollowing out of the HMRC or the DWP together with more public services being replaced by companies like Capita and ATOS continues at pace. Not under Thatcher but by successive UK governments. What choice then for Scotland. No choice because they have no say, Westminster calls the shots. These are all reserved matters.
And so it was with flights in and out of the UK. A reserved matte. People could fly in from anywhere from around the world without let or hindrance and then travel anywhere they so wished.
Yes there may be things that the Scottish government could have done better, but as the foregoing shows in all too many areas the Scottish Government was and still is absolutely subsidiary to Westminster.
I hope we do learn from this virus. But I suspect we won’t. The death of 20,000 older citizens across the UK is testimony to that. The Westminster policy was to let the virus rip at the expense of a few pensioners in the hope that herd immunity would follow and protect the economy. That is the big picture and no good blaming the junior partner – who maybe could have done a bit better.
And the future. Well the the Westminster policy of invoking the war time spirit, the talk of winning the war, spitfires, Vera Lynn, Churchillian bulldog doggedness, and all wrapped up in the Union Jack, what does that tell us as Boris hurtles us out of Europe.
The refusal on dogmatic grounds to countenance participation in a European PPE initiative to secure much needed equipment gives a clue. Or of the Tory view point expressed by Iain Duncan Smith that the furlough scheme breeds worker laziness. Or the recent Tory treasury committee MP who declared that furlough should be cut to force teachers in England back to school in June.
Decisions again made in Westminster. But yes, by all means we need to remember where the power lies as we review how we go forward, and how we will fare under Boris’s trade deal with Trump.